As former Russian government official Alfred Kokh recalls, Vladimir Putin, then the Director of the FSB, initiated a personnel “revolution” within the agency in 1998. Putin actively replaced the old “Moscow” generals, who were unknown to him and deemed disloyal, with his own trusted associates. Many of these associates had worked with him during his tenure in the Leningrad branch of the FSB. Among his appointments were Viktor Cherkesov, Nikolai Patrushev, and Sergei Ivanov as deputies, and Viktor Ivanov as head of the FSB’s internal security division.
It was clear that Putin was constructing an organization loyal exclusively to him. The FSB, with its long history and “distinguished” tradition of surveillance, manipulation of public opinion, persecution of dissent, and repression, was granted extensive powers. The agency could carry weapons, initiate criminal investigations, conduct operational and investigative activities, detain suspects, and petition prosecutors for arrests, among other functions.
The Litvinenko Case: A Chilling Example
One of the most striking examples of the FSB’s transformation under Putin was the fate of Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Litvinenko. In 1998-1999, Litvinenko publicly criticized the FSB, exposing the existence of a department tasked with assassinating individuals deemed undesirable by the agency. As a result, Litvinenko was imprisoned and, after his release, managed to flee abroad. However, in 2006, his former colleagues tracked him down in London and poisoned him with polonium.
Yumashev’s Carte Blanche
With full carte blanche from Yeltsin’s chief of staff Valentin Yumashev, Putin was building a highly effective, ruthless, disciplined, and utterly loyal repressive apparatus. This apparatus operated with little regard for adherence to written or unwritten norms. Over time, the FSB became a blunt instrument capable of crushing any opponent Putin identified. At the time, Yumashev believed that Putin’s personal loyalty to him also meant the FSB’s loyalty to President Yeltsin and, by extension, to Yumashev himself.
Primakov’s Concerns and Putin’s Counteroffensive
Yevgeny Primakov, a seasoned political veteran, was one of the first to recognize the implications of Putin’s actions. His long-time allies, Moscow-based state security generals ousted in Putin’s FSB purge, quickly informed him of the developments and their potential consequences. Primakov began lobbying Yeltsin and Yumashev to dismiss Putin as FSB director.
Predictably, Putin launched a counteroffensive. At the time, he became Yumashev’s sole source of confidential information. Recognizing the advantages of his position, Putin wasted no time exploiting it.
Manufacturing a Conspiracy
Putin painted a picture of a vast conspiracy against Yeltsin, allegedly orchestrated by Primakov and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov. He convinced Yumashev that they were not only manipulating the Prosecutor General’s Office but also controlling the left-wing opposition in the Duma and most regional governors, effectively dominating the Federation Council.
Putin presented Yumashev with evidence that Prosecutor General Yury Skuratov was regularly meeting with Primakov and Luzhkov, who assured him of their full support. Furthermore, Putin argued that Vladimir Gusinsky’s media outlets were working against the Yeltsin “Family” in close coordination with Primakov, Luzhkov, and Skuratov.
Within months, Yumashev was fully convinced that Primakov was disloyal, aiming for the presidency, and willing to imprison Yeltsin’s inner circle to achieve his goal. Yumashev also believed that Putin was the only person capable of saving them. According to Putin, this was why Primakov—fearing him—was pushing for his dismissal.
Yumashev’s Resignation and Bordyuzha’s Appointment
By December, Yumashev had made up his mind. When Primakov announced his candidacy for the 2000 presidential elections, Yumashev decided to step into the shadows. On December 7, he resigned, absolving himself of formal responsibility for future decisions but retaining influence over Yeltsin as a “gray cardinal” in the capacity of an advisor.
Yumashev recommended Colonel-General Nikolai Bordyuzha, then Secretary of the Security Council and former head of the Federal Border Service, as his replacement.
Yeltsin readily agreed to the suggestion.
Bordyuzha appeared to be a decisive military man, unburdened by intellectual doubts or hesitation. He was expected to act swiftly and decisively to bring the “conspirators” to heel. His primary tasks were to dissuade Primakov from running for president and to discourage Skuratov from pursuing investigations into Yeltsin’s inner circle. By accepting the role, Bordyuzha clearly believed he could handle the challenge.
