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Merkel Is Gone, the Pipelines Remain: Why Friedrich Merz Insists on Banning Nord Stream

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Nord Stream 1
View towards Nord Stream 1 Baltic Sea pipeline and the transfer station of the Baltic Sea Pipeline Link in the industrial area of Lubmin, Germany, August 30, 2022. REUTERS/Lisi Niesner

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has come out in firm support of a proposed EU initiative to include the Nord Stream and Nord Stream 2 pipelines in the bloc’s new package of sanctions against Russia. According to The Financial Times, this move is intended to prevent any joint efforts by Moscow and Washington to revive the gas routes.

At first glance, it may seem odd: why would Germany, which has lost billions due to the cessation of Russian gas supplies, actively seek to legally block infrastructure that already exists? But according to three government insiders, Merz’s initiative is driven by a desire not only to preempt external pressure but also to shield himself from reigniting internal political debates about energy rapprochement with Russia.

As FT reported in March, Kremlin-linked Russian and American business figures had been exploring ways to restart the pipelines, which are owned by the Swiss-based company Nord Stream 2 AG. One official said these reports prompted Merz to begin consultations with officials in Berlin and Brussels to prevent any reactivation of the project.

European Shield Against Russo-American Gas Diplomacy

“Adding Nord Stream to the EU sanctions list eliminates a political headache for the chancellor,” one EU official said on condition of anonymity. He noted that Merz aims to “Europeanise” the pipeline’s future—so that responsibility is shared across the EU, rather than Berlin being left to face pressure from Moscow and Washington alone.

Although the pipelines are technically privately owned, their reactivation would still require certification from the German government. A sanctions-based ban at the EU level would take this power out of Berlin’s hands and distribute the responsibility across the bloc.

According to The Financial Times, the sanctions will target not only Nord Stream 2 AG, but also any other entities—Russian or otherwise—that could be involved in repairing or operating the pipelines.

Support from von der Leyen and Coordination with Berlin

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen officially named Nord Stream as part of the Commission’s upcoming sanctions package last week. According to sources cited by FT, she made this statement after consulting with Merz, who expressed full support for the measure.

Formal discussions with EU member states were expected to begin over the weekend. Any decision must be unanimously approved by all 27 capitals, as required by the EU’s sanction mechanism.

Political Symbolism and Historical Background

The Nord Stream pipeline has always been deeply symbolic. It was the flagship project of former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, who maintained close ties with Vladimir Putin and later joined the board of Kremlin-backed Gazprom. For Germany, Nord Stream once embodied strategic economic partnership with Russia; for the U.S., it was a source of major concern.

Even before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Washington—especially under President Donald Trump—had urged Berlin to reduce its energy dependence on Moscow. Energy tensions between Germany and the U.S. were a hallmark of that era.

According to FT, Matthias Warnig—a former Stasi agent and close associate of Putin—had been in discussions with American investors about a possible pipeline restart. He reportedly hoped to capitalize on President Trump’s desire for renewed economic dialogue with Moscow.

Gas or Principles? Germany’s Internal Debate Heats Up

A spokesperson for the German government confirmed Merz’s stance: “The chancellor actively supports sanctions against Nord Stream 2. One of the aims of our sanctions is to cut Russia off from revenues that could be used to finance its war of aggression against Ukraine in violation of international law. This includes revenues from fossil fuel exports.”

Still, the issue is far from settled within Germany itself—especially in the eastern states of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Brandenburg. According to a Forsa poll, nearly half the residents in the region where the pipeline’s terminus is located support resuming Russian gas deliveries.

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which secured over 20% of the vote in February’s elections, has openly called for the pipelines to be brought back online. This view is shared by some business leaders, as well as members of Merz’s own Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and his coalition partners, the Social Democrats (SPD). The Greens, in opposition, blame what they call the lingering “Moscow connection” within Germany’s mainstream parties.

Eastern States Push for Normalization

In March, Saxony’s CDU premier Michael Kretschmer said that continuing sanctions against Moscow is “completely outdated and does not reflect what the Americans are currently doing.” Brandenburg’s SPD premier Dietmar Woidke went further, saying Germany should normalize trade relations with Russia once a peace agreement is reached.

CDU lawmaker Thomas Bareiß, responding to reports from FT and other outlets, posted on LinkedIn, “Our American friends clearly know how to do business,” in a pointedly sarcastic remark.

Between Gas and Geopolitical Trust

Friedrich Merz has opted for political clarity, even at the expense of potential economic gains. By pushing for a formal EU ban on the revival of Nord Stream, the chancellor is not only defusing a contentious domestic issue but also shielding Berlin from geopolitical pressure. In distancing himself from the “Schröder era” and attempting to sever the legacy of energy dependence on Russia, Merz is betting on long-term stability.

However, internal German divisions remain. As the war in Ukraine drags on, energy prices remain high, and political tensions deepen, the Nord Stream question is unlikely to disappear anytime soon.


This article was prepared based on materials published by The Financial Times. The author does not claim authorship of the original text but presents their interpretation of the content for informational purposes.

The original article can be found at the following link: The Financial Times.

All rights to the original text belong to The Financial Times.

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